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Date

20.12.2006 18:22:32

Isbn

3-936931-22-4

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Footnote

Rez. in: JASIST 55(2004) no.5, S.467-468 (W. Koehler): "Virtual Inequality is an important contribution to the digital divide debate. That debate takes two basic forms. One centers an the divide between the "information rich" developed countries and the "information poor" developing countries. The second is concerned with the rift between information "haves" and "have-nots" within countries. This book addresses the latter domain and is concerned with the digital divide in the United States. This book is the product of a cross-disciplinary collaboration. Mossberger and Tolbert are both members of the Kent State University political science department while Stansbury is an the Library and Information Science faculty. The book is extremely well documented. Perhaps the chapter an the democracy divide and e-government is the best done, reflecting the political science bent of two of the authors. E-government is very well covered. Unfortunately, e-commerce and e-education go virtually unmentioned. If e-government is important to defining the digital divide, then certainly e-commerce and e-education are as well. Mossberger, Tolbert, and Stansbury argue that the digital divide should be described as four different divides: the access divide, the skills divide, the economic opportunity divide, and the democratic divide. Each of these divides is developed in its own chapter. Each chapter draws well an the existing literature. The book is valuable if for no other reason than that it provides an excellent critique of the current state of the understanding of the digital divide in the United States. It is particularly good in its contrast of the approaches taken by the Clinton and George W. Bush administrations. Perhaps this is a function of the multidisciplinary strength of the book's authorship, for indeed it shows here. The access divide is defined along "connectivity" lines: who has access to digital technologies. The authors tonfirm the conventional wisdom that age and education are important predictors of in-home access, but they also argue that rate and ethnicity are also factors (pp. 32-33): Asian Americans have greatest access followed by whites, Latinos, and African Americans in that order. Most access the Internet from home or work, followed by friends' computers, libraries, and other access points. The skills divide is defined as technical competence and information literacy (p. 38). Variation was found along technical competence for age, education, affluence, rate, and ethnicity, but not gender (p. 47). The authors conclude that for the most part the skills divide mirrors the access divide (p. 55). While they found no gender difference, they did find a gender preference for skills acquisition: males prefer a more impersonal delivery ("online help and tutorials") while females prefer more personal instruction (p. 56).
The economic opportunity divide is predicated an the hypothesis that there has, indeed, been a major shift in opportunities driven by changes in the information environment. The authors document this paradigm shift well with arguments from the political and economic right and left. This chapter might be described as an "attitudinal" chapter. The authors are concerned here with the perceptions of their respondents of their information skills and skill levels with their economic outlook and opportunities. Technological skills and economic opportunities are correlated, one finds, in the minds of all across all ages, genders, races, ethnicities, and income levels. African Americans in particular are ". . attuned to the use of technology for economic opportunity" (p. 80). The fourth divide is the democratic divide. The Internet may increase political participation, the authors posit, but only among groups predisposed to participate and perhaps among those with the skills necessary to take advantage of the electronic environment (p. 86). Certainly the Web has played an important role in disseminating and distributing political messages and in some cases in political fund raising. But by the analysis here, we must conclude that the message does not reach everyone equally. Thus, the Internet may widen the political participation gap rather than narrow it. The book has one major, perhaps fatal, flaw: its methodology and statistical application. The book draws upon a survey performed for the authors in June and July 2001 by the Kent State University's Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI) lab (pp. 7-9). CATI employed a survey protocol provided to the reader as Appendix 2. An examination of the questionnaire reveals that all questions yield either nominal or ordinal responses, including the income variable (pp. 9-10). Nevertheless, Mossberger, Tolbert, and Stansbury performed a series of multiple regression analyses (reported in a series of tables in Appendix 1) utilizing these data. Regression analysis requires interval/ratio data in order to be valid although nominal and ordinal data can be incorporated by building dichotomous dummy variables. Perhaps Mossberger, Tolbert, and Stansbury utilized dummy variables; but 1 do not find that discussed. Moreover, 1 would question a multiple regression made up completely of dichotomous dummy variables. I come away from Virtual Inequality with mixed feelings. It is useful to think of the digital divide as more than one phenomenon. The four divides that Mossberger, Tolbert, and Stansbury offeraccess, skills, economic opportunity, and democratic-are useful as a point of departure and debate. No doubt, other divides will be identified and documented. This book will lead the way. Second, without question, Mossberger, Tolbert, and Stansbury provide us with an extremely well-documented, -written, and -argued work. Third, the authors are to be commended for the multidisciplinarity of their work. Would that we could see more like it. My reservations about their methodological approach, however, hang over this review like a shroud."
Anmerkung des Rezensenten in JASIST 55(2004) no.11, S.1024: "After reflecting an a requestfrom the authors of the reviewed book, 1 find that I did indeed err in my criticism of their methodology. The work's fault lies not with the methodology but rather with the discussion and explanation provided for the methodology. The authors do offer brief methodological explanation and justification in endnotes and appendices but are less clear in the book's text. I apologize to both the readers of the review and the authors for misinterpreting the text. For the authors' part, a methodology chapter would have been welcome. I am pleased to put right this misinterpretation that cast a shadow over an otherwise fine work."

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Abstract

This analysis of how the ability to participate in society online affects political and economic opportunity and finds that technology use matters in wages and income and civic participation and voting.Just as education has promoted democracy and economic growth, the Internet has the potential to benefit society as a whole. Digital citizenship, or the ability to participate in society online, promotes social inclusion. But statistics show that significant segments of the population are still excluded from digital citizenship.The authors of this book define digital citizens as those who are online daily. By focusing on frequent use, they reconceptualize debates about the digital divide to include both the means and the skills to participate online. They offer new evidence (drawn from recent national opinion surveys and Current Population Surveys) that technology use matters for wages and income, and for civic engagement and voting."Digital Citizenship" examines three aspects of participation in society online: economic opportunity, democratic participation, and inclusion in prevailing forms of communication. The authors find that Internet use at work increases wages, with less-educated and minority workers receiving the greatest benefit, and that Internet use is significantly related to political participation, especially among the young. The authors examine in detail the gaps in technological access among minorities and the poor and predict that this digital inequality is not likely to disappear in the near future. Public policy, they argue, must address educational and technological disparities if we are to achieve full participation and citizenship in the twenty-first century.

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Abstract

Die Produktion und Verbreitung von Informationen und Wissen ist heute nicht mehr nur die Sache weniger hochspezialisierter Experten und exklusiver Kreise, sondern vielmehr ein kollektives Unternehmen. Viele Köpfe auf der ganzen Welt - Sachverständige wie Laien - arbeiten von heimischen Rechnern aus über Wikis, Blogs und Open-Source-Projekte gemeinsam am Wissenskorpus der Menschheit, der dann über das Internet fast jedermann zur Verfügung steht. Fluch oder Segen? Werden wir durch die Überflutung mit ungesicherten Informationen zu Schafen einer digitalen Herde, die einfach das glauben, was viele für richtig halten, und nicht, was wirklich richtig ist? Oder verwirklicht sich hier gerade eine Utopie: alles zu wissen, was jeder von uns weiß? Cass R. Sunstein exponiert sich in seinem neuen Buch als entschiedener Infotopist. Traditionelle geschlossene Expertenzirkel, so zeigt er, werden häufig zu »Informationskokons«, aus denen heraus nicht selten Entscheidungen mit fatalen Folgen getroffen werden - etwa jene, die zur Rechtfertigung des Irak-Krieges, zum Zusammenbruch von Enron und zum Absturz des Space Shuttle Columbia geführt haben. Die neuen Formen kollektiven Wissenserwerbs unterliegen hingegen einem Prozeß, in dem Informationen fortlaufend und öffentlich ausgetauscht, aktualisiert und kritisiert werden. Anhand zahlreicher schlagender Beispiele und mit theoretischer Prägnanz erarbeitet Sunstein Regeln für eine Kommunikation im offenen Wissensnetzwerk, mit denen sich diese Diskussionsprozesse so gestalten lassen, daß wir zu mehr und vor allem exakterem Wissen kommen, an dem wir im infotopischen Idealfall alle partizipieren können.

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Footnote

Rez. in: Spektrum der Wissenschaft. 2012, H.6, S.94-96 (R. Pilous): " ... Bei aller Materialfülle nimmt Gleick einen technokratischen Standpunkt ein - so konsequent, dass er Gedanken zum Verstehen von Information durch den Menschen oder zur Philosophie selbst dort weglässt, wo sie sich aufdrängen. Seiner leidenschaftlich vorgebrachten Vision, die moderne Physik auf eine Art Quanteninformationstheorie zu reduzieren, fehlt eine gründliche Reflexion ebenso wie seiner Darstellung der Theorie der Meme. Und dennoch: Gleicks Projekt einer Gesamtdarstellung des Informationsbegriffs ist mutig, bisher einmalig und im Wesentlichen gelungen."

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Editor

Grimm, P. u. R. Capurro

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