-
Keen, A.: ¬Die Stunde der Stümper : wie wir im Internet unsere Kultur zerstören (2008)
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- Abstract
- Das Internet und besonders das Web 2.0 sind ein Segen für die Meinungsfreiheit, so heißt es: Endlich können alle bestimmen, worüber diskutiert wird - nicht nur wenige Experten, Top-Journalisten und wortgewaltige Autoren, die das Meinungsmonopol für sich beanspruchen. Doch was haben wir uns da eingehandelt? Forumsbeiträge, die vor Dummheit und falschen Fakten strotzen, und an Idiotie kaum zu überbietende Videoclips bei YouTube. Es kommt noch schlimmer: - Politische Splitterparteien und verschrobene Wirrköpfe maskieren sich immer häufiger als harmlose Blogger, um demokratiefeindliche Hetzkampagnen zu verbreiten. Betroffene können sich kaum dagegen wehren. - Unternehmen betreiben auf subtile Weise "virales Marketing", um ihre Produkte von vermeintlich begeisterten Kunden empfehlen zu lassen. - Clevere Lobbyisten mischen sich unter falscher Identität in Diskussionen ein, um ihre fragwürdigen Interessen durchzusetzen. Wir befinden uns auf einem gefährlichen Irrweg, sagt Andrew Keen: Wo Halbwissen und blanke Lügen herrschen statt verlässlicher Information, da fehlt auch die Basis für vernünftige und tragfähige politische Entscheidungen, da ist unsere Kultur in ihren Grundfesten erschüttert. Ein scharf formuliertes Plädoyer gegen die absurden Auswüchse der großen Verdummungsmaschine, die sich Internet nennt.
- Date
- 22. 2.2009 12:33:37
- Footnote
- Rez. in: FR, Nr.289 vom 10.12.2008, S.36: "Das Internet: Unser Fluch? - Schon Internet-Pionier Nicholas Negroponte erklärte das World Wide Web zu einem riesigen Müllhaufen, und dieser Befund dürfte durch die Entwicklung des Netzes eher bestätigt worden sein. Aber wie das so ist mit dem Müll: Für die einen ist es Abfall, andere suchen und finden meistens etwas, das sich zur Wiederverwer- tung eignet. Das muss Andrew Keen entgangen sein, obwohl der IT-Unternehmer (audiocafe.com), sich in der Materie auskennt. Aber das hindert ihn nicht, sich mit geradezu pietistischem Eifer wider den neu-bösen Feind zu wenden: den Blogger. Keen sieht im durch soziale Netzwerke und demokratische Teilhabe geprägten Web 2.0 nicht nur den "Kult des Amateurs" (so der Originaltitel, korrekt übersetzt), sondern sogar die "Vernichtung unserer Kultur". So richtig der eine oder andere Befund sein mag - etwa die Selbstbezüglichkeit vieler Slogger - er wird nicht richtiger durch penetrante Wiederholung. Falsch aber ist eine Behauptung wie die, dass Einträge bei Wikipedia (noch ein Lieblingsfeind Keens) nicht redigiert würden. Da hat sich einer in sein Bedürfnis nach werbewirksamer Polemik verrannt". Vgl. auch: http://www.faz.net/s/Rub117C535CDF414415BB243B181B8B60AE/Doc~E7A6DAB48D2D745FC9054DBF8D9FD8C4F~ATpl~Ecommon~Scontent.html.
- RSWK
- Informationsgesellschaft / Soziokultureller Wandel / Internet / World Wide Web 2.0 / User Generated Content / Geltungsbedürfnis
World Wide Web 2.0 / Kritik (GBV)
- Subject
- Informationsgesellschaft / Soziokultureller Wandel / Internet / World Wide Web 2.0 / User Generated Content / Geltungsbedürfnis
World Wide Web 2.0 / Kritik (GBV)
-
Rogers, R.: Information politics on the Web (2004)
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- Footnote
- Rez. in: JASIST 58(2007) no.4, S.608-609 (K.D. Desouza): "Richard Rogers explores the distinctiveness of the World Wide Web as a politically contested space where information searchers may encounter multiple explanations of reality. Sources of information on the Web are in constant competition with each other for attention. The attention a source receives will determine its prominence, the ability to be a provider of leading information, and its inclusion in authoritative spaces. Rogers explores the politics behind evaluating sources that are collected and housed on authoritative spaces. Information politics on the Web can be looked at in terms of frontend or back-end politics. Front-end politics is concerned with whether sources on the Web pay attention to principles of inclusivity, fairness, and scope of representation in how information is presented, while back-end politics examines the logic behind how search engines or portals select and index information. Concerning front-end politics, Rogers questions the various versions of reality one can derive from examining information on the Web, especially when issues of information inclusivity and scope of representation are toiled with. In addition, Rogers is concerned with how back-end politics are being controlled by dominant forces of the market (i.e., the more an organization is willing to pay, the greater will be the site's visibility and prominence in authoritative spaces), regardless of whether the information presented on the site justifies such a placement. In the book, Rogers illustrates the issues involved in back-end and front-end politics (though heavily slanted on front-end politics) using vivid cases, all of which are derived from his own research. The main thrust is the exploration of how various "information instruments," defined as "a digital and analytical means of recording (capturing) and subsequently reading indications of states of defined information streams (p. 19)," help capture the politics of the Web. Rogers employs four specific instruments (Lay Decision Support System, Issue Barometer, Web Issue Index of Civil Society, and Election Issue Tracker), which are covered in detail in core chapters of the book (Chapter 2-Chapter 5). The book is comprised of six chapters, with Chapter 1 being the traditional introduction and Chapter 6 being a summary of the major concepts discussed.
Chapter 2 examines the politics of information retrieval in the context of collaborative filtering techniques. Rogers begins by discussing the underpinnings of modern search engine design by examining medieval practices of knowledge seeking, following up with a critique of the collaborative filtering techniques. Rogers's major contention is that collaborative filtering rids us of user idiosyncrasies as search query strings, preferences, and recommendations are shared among users and without much care for the differences among them, both in terms of their innate characteristics and also their search goals. To illustrate Rogers' critiques of collaborative filtering, he describes an information searching experiment that he conducted with students at University of Vienna and University of Amsterdam. Students were asked to search for information on Viagra. As one can imagine, depending on a number of issues, not the least of which is what sources did one extract information from, a student would find different accounts of reality about Viagra, everything from a medical drug to a black-market drug ideal for underground trade. Rogers described how information on the Web differed from official accounts for certain events. The information on the Web served as an alternative reality. Chapter 3 describes the Web as a dynamic debate-mapping tool, a political instrument. Rogers introduces the "Issue Barometer," an information instrument that measures the social pressure on a topic being debated by analyzing data available from the Web. Measures used by the Issue Barometer include temperature of the issue (cold to hot), activity level of the debate (mild to intense), and territorialization (one country to many countries). The Issues Barometer is applied to an illustrative case of the public debate surrounding food safety in the Netherlands in 2001. Chapter 4 introduces "The Web Issue Index," which provides an indication of leading societal issues discussed on the Web. The empirical research on the Web Issues Index was conducted on the Genoa G8 Summit in 1999 and the anti-globalization movement. Rogers focus here was to examine the changing nature of prominent issues over time, i.e., how issues gained and lost attention and traction over time.
In Chapter 5, the "Election Issue Tracker" is introduced. The Election Issue Tracker calculates currency that is defined as "frequency of mentions of the issue terms per newspaper and across newspapers" in the three major national newspapers. The Election Issue Tracker is used to study which issues resonate with the press and which do not. As one would expect, Rogers found that not all issues that are considered important or central to a political party resonate with the press. This book contains a wealth of information that can be accessed by both researcher and practitioner. Even more interesting is the fact that researchers from a wide assortment of disciplines, from political science to information science and even communication studies, will appreciate the research and insights put forth by Rogers. Concepts presented in each chapter are thoroughly described using a wide variety of cases. Albeit all the cases are of a European flavor, mainly Dutch, they are interesting and thought-provoking. I found the descriptions of Rogers various information instruments to be very interesting. Researchers can gain from an examination of these instruments as it points to an interesting method for studying activities and behaviors on the Internet. In addition, each chapter has adequate illustrations and the bibliography is comprehensive. This book will make for an ideal supplementary text for graduate courses in information science, communication and media studies, and even political science. Like all books, however, this book had its share of shortcomings. While I was able to appreciate the content of the book, and certainly commend Rogers for studying an issue of immense significance, I found the book to be very difficult to read and parse through. The book is laden with jargon, political statements, and even has several instances of deficient writing. The book also lacked a sense of structure, and this affected the presentation of Rogers' material. I would have also hoped to see some recommendations by Rogers in terms of how should researchers further the ideas he has put forth. Areas of future research, methods for studying future problems, and even insights on what the future might hold for information politics were not given enough attention in the book; in my opinion, this was a major shortcoming. Overall, I commend Rogers for putting forth a very informative book on the issues of information politics on the Web. Information politics, especially when delivered on the communication technologies such as the Web, is going to play a vital role in our societies for a long time to come. Debates will range from the politics of how information is searched for and displayed on the Web to how the Web is used to manipulate or politicize information to meet the agendas of various entities. Richard Rogers' book will be of the seminal and foundational readings on the topic for any curious minds that want to explore these issues."
- LCSH
- Web search engines / Political aspects
Web portals / Political aspects
- Subject
- Web search engines / Political aspects
Web portals / Political aspects
-
¬Die Macht der Suchmaschinen (2007)
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- Abstract
- Suchmaschinen sind der wichtigste Zugangsweg zum Auffinden neuer Netzinhalte. Insgesamt verwendeten nach einer repräsentativen Studie im dritten Quartal 2005 fast 85 Prozent der deutschen Internetnutzer Suchmaschinen. Diese sind inzwischen auch ein Big Business: Gemessen am Börsenwert ist die Suchmaschine Google mit einem Gesamtwert von 80 Mrd. Dollar das wertvollste Medienunternehmen der Welt. Der Konzerngewinn stieg von 2004 auf 2005 um 367 Prozent auf 1,5 Mrd. Dollar. Als Gatekeeper im Internet stellen die Suchmaschinen eine zentrale Herausforderung für Wissenschaft und Forschung dar - letztlich geht es um die Frage der "digitalen Informationsmacht". Mit diesem Band liegt erstmals eine Publikation vor, die die Rolle von Suchmaschinen in der Informationsgesellschaft in den wichtigsten Dimensionen aus verschiedenen Perspektiven wissenschaftlich beleuchtet und dabei hilft, die künftige Suchmaschinenforschung zu systematisieren.
- RSWK
- Suchmaschine / Regulierung / Marktmacht / Aufsatzsammlung
Suchmaschine / Journalismus / Aufsatzsammlung
Suchmaschine / Benutzerverhalten / Aufsatzsammlung
- Subject
- Suchmaschine / Regulierung / Marktmacht / Aufsatzsammlung
Suchmaschine / Journalismus / Aufsatzsammlung
Suchmaschine / Benutzerverhalten / Aufsatzsammlung
-
Siegenheim, V.; Kaumanns, R.: ¬Die Google-Ökonomie : Wie Google die Wirtschaft verändert (2007)
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- Abstract
- Kaum ein Unternehmen hat in den letzten Jahren eine so rasante Erfolgsgeschichte geschrieben wie Google. Vor rund zehn Jahren als Internet-Suchmaschine mit einer Handvoll Mitarbeiter gestartet, hat sich Google zu einem erfolgreichen Konzern mit über 10.000 Mitarbeitern und Milliarden-Umsätzen entwickelt. Google hat sich dabei fundamental verändert. Google ist mittlerweile mehr als eine Suchmaschine. Google ist ein Nachrichtendienst. Google ist ein Multimedia-Archiv. Google ist ein Bezahlsystem. Google ist ein geographisches Informationssystem. Google ist ein Werbevermarkter. Google ist ein Software-Anbieter. Google ist vielleicht bald auch eine Telefongesellschaft ... und vieles mehr! Google investiert Milliarden in den Ausbau seiner Suchtechnologie und die Expansion seines Werbenetzwerks in die klassischen Werbeträger (TV, Radio oder Print). Google arbeitet an vollkommen neuen Angeboten wie der Verfügbarkeit von Wissen in Form der Digitalisierung gigantischer Bibliotheken. Google stößt in neue Segmente wie den mobile Plattformen, Geoinformation oder Anwendungen zur Bürokommunikation vor und engagiert sich beim Aufbau neuer Kommunikationsnetze oder entwickelt Dienste, die unser (digitales) Leben nachhaltig verändern könnten. Wie passt dies alles zusammen? Betrachtet man die einzelnen Aktivitäten von Google näher, ergibt sich ein spannendes Gesamtbild mit der Frage, welche Ziele und Strategie Google verfolgt. Dieses Gesamtbild - unter dem Schlagwort Google-Ökonomie - wird analysiert und die möglichen Auswirkungen auf verschiedene Branchen bewertet.
